Fitoterapia. Apr;73(2) Antimicrobial activity of Eupatorium ayapana. Gupta M(1), Mazumder UK, Chaudhuri I, Chaudhuri RK, Bose P, Bhattacharya. How Ayapana is effective for various diseases is listed in repertory format. Names of Ayapana. Botanical Name. Eupatorium Triplinerve, Eupatorium Ayapan. General Information. Symbol: EUTR4. Group: Dicot. Family: Asteraceae. Duration : Perennial. Growth Habit: Forb/herb. Subshrub. Native Status: PR I VI I.
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Vishalyakarani as Eupatorium ayapana: Instead of trying to distinguish these pasts ontologically, I argue that it is more productive to see specific pasts in relation to the sorts of futures they produce, that is, their respective historicities. The practice, no doubt, is intended to promote intelligibility and allow readers to identify the exact plant being spoken of. It will therefore, in most cases, be considered perfectly legitimate to gloss a discussion of, say, flowers in Sanskrit kavya, medieval Persian qasida, Greek myth, early Chinese bencaos, or Ayapans temple gardens with the suitable botanical names of the flowers being referred to.
Historians of science, however, have long established that botany—just like any eupatorjum form of human knowledge—is also historically contingent. Its knowledge is marked, like all scientific knowledge, by historical specificities. Moreover, like other forms of human knowledge, the acceptance of its accuracy or precision is as much a political question as auapana is an epistemic epuatorium.
Yet, when scholars gloss discussions of plants with botanical names, they overlook both the complicated ways in which scientific knowledge has been vali- dated, and indeed, its historical specificities.
Nowhere is uepatorium more in evidence than in discussions of the histories of medicinal plants. Plants, such as Cinchona, are mentioned as having been used and exchanged among multiple communities existing in distinctive Projit Bihari Mukharji mukharji sas.
By demonstrating the political, contested, and technologically specific ways in which botanical names and cultural ones come to be equated, I want to reintro- duce an element of contingency in the very act of equating. I One of the most iconic episodes in the Ramayana, the older of the eupatoriun Indic epics, comprises of Hanuman, the divine monkey, flying to a far-off destination to fetch a mir- aculous medicine that alone could revive the slain hero, Lakshmana, the beloved younger brother of euptorium god-king, Rama.
Unable to find the exact medicine and eager to get back before dawn when the medicine would become redundant, Hanuman, it is said, brought the entire mountain back with him. What has remained somewhat obscure, however, is the nature of the medicine that he sought. Different versions of the Ramayana—and there are numerous tellings and retellings of it—often disagree on the name and nature of the medicine Hanuman sought. It was said to be enormously effective in controlling both internal and external bleeding.
In the last decade of the nineteenth century, when the British Indian government, under pressure from both a fledgling nationalist movement and some sections of the medical establishment, set up a committee to investigate the medicinal plants of British India, the Vishalyakarani was submitted by a Calcutta Kaviraj for investigation.
The consequences of the identification were complex. Numerous eupatoruim, lay Bengalis, however, continued to use and extol the virtues of the plant.
Eventually it was this persistence of popular usage that would produce a new, robust future for the plant in the mids. How exactly and by what process were the two identities—Vishalyakarani and E. On the one hand, it has been used to critique a certain historiographic tendency to read contemporary disease as equivalents of older, pre-modern, ayapanaa pre-biomedical designations. Any such equation, ayapanz has been pointed out, leads to anachro- nistic redefinitions of the categories being equated Stein Sociologist of science Bruno Latour, however, has gone a step further.
He has raised an even more fundamental ontological question. He first posed the question with regard to retro-diagnostic claims that the Egyptian pharaoh Ramses II died of tubercu- losis Latour Latour asked whether it was ontologically and epistemically valid to speak of tuberculosis in the context of pharaonic Egypt.
In order to make the claim that the pharaoh Ramses II died of tubercu- losis, for example, his mortal remains had to be extracted from their tomb, flown to Paris, and examined in a high-tech laboratory involving cutting-edge scientific equipment and leading scientists. The mistake, he suggested, was to consider these claims as being universally valid without connecting them to the specific actor-networks that materialize them.
Ayapana Herb Uses, Benefits, Cures, Side Effects, Nutrients
The moment one introduces conflict and contesta- tion between actors and into networks, new questions arise: Who gets to retrofit whose past? Are there contests over the retrofitting? How do rival attempts to retrofit jostle with each other? This is where science studies could benefit from an Asian studies inflection.
South Asianists have long been interested in contested pasts eipatorium have sought to develop ways of understanding these alternative pasts in less essentialist and more relational ways. A wealth of studies e. In the realm of histories of South Asian science too, more particularly, there is a small but sophisticated body of literature on the political constructions and contests over the past Abraham ; Alter ; Arnold ; Attewell ; Chakrabarti ; Raina ; Eupatkrium Sivaramak- rishnan ; Kavita Sivaramakrishnan In part, these studies engaging the plurality of pasts, their politics, and so forth have built upon a set of eupatorijm more general trends not restricted to South Asia alone.
Bhattacharya ; Chatterjee ; Nandy ; Pandeyand a more histori- cally sensitive and critical approach to distinctive forms of temporality Ali ; Rao, Shulman, and Subrahmanyam More generally, South Asian and British imperial history have both recently wit- nessed an increased interest in botany. These have included a large number of studies on plant transfers, networks of knowledge, the politics of circulation, and so on Arnold ; Brockway ; Chakrabarti ; Desmond ; Drayton ; Endersby ; Headrick ; Jardine, Secord, and Spary ; Noltie; Philip ; Raj ; Scheibinger This new literature, though nowhere addres- sing the issue of retro-botanizing, allows the larger, complex, and political relationship between botany and empire to be understood more fully.
A small corpus of works has also investigated eupaforium slightly later entanglement of nationalism and botany, particularly through the career of Sir J. Bose, while an even smaller corpus has looked at the cul- tural politics of imperial ayapanq Arnold—75; Lourdusamy—43; Nandy17— Nearly all these studies, however, are situated in the nineteenth century.
More importantly, many though not all of these studies, willingly or not, fall prey to the very tendency of retro-botanizing that I am trying to problematize. Thus, scholars critical of the imperial cocktail of power, knowledge, and commerce eventually still fre- quently contribute towards the naturalization of botanical names and the relative margin- alization of cultural identities of plants.
Vishalyakarani as Eupatorium ayapana 69 Plant names in other languages and at other times eupagorium not merely hollow linguistic vessels waiting to be filled by the reality of botanical names.
They eulatorium their own realities. Retro-botanizing refi- gures that very cosmological universe within which plant identities are embedded. An excellent example of this refiguration emerges upon comparing A. Alieupatoorium the other hand, carefully implicates the plant identities within a web of pro- minent entanglements with astrological and complex aesthetic concerns, which in turn touch upon the very articulation wyapana royal political power.
It is in this process of translation that relationships of eupatorihm and subordination become visible. It is here that the smooth process of retrofitting that Latour described acquires its colonial crinkles. III It is with these larger historiographic contexts in mind that we must return to McConnell, rather than the sole Indian member, Kanailal Dey, who raised the possibility of asking eminent local Kavirajes and Hakims for their opinions on various local drugs.
Dey responded by asking McConnell if he had any specific Kavirajes or Hakims in mind. What this simple exchange yaapana the very outset demonstrates is that the discussion in euparorium IDC was not necessarily polarized by any discernible nationalist sentiments.
I believe it is the best haemostatic known. I have used it very successfully in bleeding from the nose, lungs, bowels etc. Interestingly, this well-known story is never mentioned in the IDC minutes. What is stated eupatoruum the minutes of February 18 is that the plant, along with another, the Halviva Andrographis paniculataoccasioned some discussion among the members present.
Ayapana triplinervis – Wikipedia
Sometime during these discussions, the plant also seems to have been identified as the Blumea lacera— even though, once again, it is not clear who identified it or how. It was more than two years before this identification of the Vishalyakarani as the Blumea lacera began to come undone. The original identification had therefore been simple guesswork. It was the botanical identifi- cation of these samples that sprung the surprise on the committee. Today, such disputes would most likely be solved by mapping gene frequencies and com- paring paleobotanical finds from the two areas.
A perusal of the contemporary ayspana literature on the Eupatorium ayapana is therefore instruc- tive in identifying precisely how the question of origin was determined. In the Dictionary, the identity and description of the plant were based solely upon a long list of citations to other botanical works. Though this fulsome list commenced with refer- ences to the works of Carl Linnaeus and Etienne Ayapans Ventenat, these botanical stal- warts were not referenced directly through their own works.
Rather, their citations derived through other, more recent, references, such as J. As the basis of this comment, Hooker cited Ventenat and refuted an alternate identification by Robert Wight. These alternate views, however, were either silenced or presented in a way that erased eupatodium equivocality and hence reaffirmed an authorized, homogenous knowledge through a seemingly seamless citation protocol. In fact, the long presence of the plant in Bengal and other parts of India together with the acceptance of the American origin story had led to the development of a trans- mission narrative in some of the writers.
Though Hooker and Watt made no mention of this, the transmission narrative was continually repeated in Fleming, Drury, Dymock, and Waring. Sub- sequently, it was brought to India from Mauritius. IV More remarkable than the citation-based nature of the IDC account was its choice to exclude certain texts. The most prominent exclusion, undoubtedly, was that of the Ramayana itself. Both Kavirajes aayapana Daktars Bengali biomedical physicians used to contribute to this journal.
First, he quoted exact lines from the Ramayana of Krittibas c. Basu explained that this description was fairly accurate.
Antimicrobial activity of Eupatorium ayapana.
Second, he gave extensive case histories, including names of well-known patients, who had benefitted from the use of Vishalyakarani in a variety of hemorrhagic conditions. Vishalyakarani as Eupatorium ayapana 73 plants. The paper, however, was widely reported in German journals e. That these prominent accounts were consistently and com- pletely ignored during discussions at the IDC was a testament to the eloquent exercise of colonial privilege.
One of the most fulsome of these was a lengthy anonymous letter that appeared in a popular dom- estic magazine, Grihasthya Mangal, as late as in It then developed a theme which, though mentioned by Basu too, was more redolent in the late s—that of potential financial savings for both the nation and the family. What makes this letter so interesting is that, despite showing a nodding acquaintance with biomedicine, it virtually ignored the Brazilian-origin thesis.
This is particularly sig- nificant since, after the IDC verdict, a number euaptorium other authors restated the hegemonic IDC position. InThe Calcutta Journal of Medicine, a promi- nent Daktari journal, reproduced an article from the British Lancet that explicitly repu- diated the E. Nadkarni restated the Amer- ican origin of the plant in and then subsequently again in The position was clearly well-aired, and the author of the letter would likely have seen it in one book on indigenous medicine or the other, had he or she consulted any.
Subsequently, a number of influential books appeared on the subject, particularly in the years following the IDC verdict, and all of them followed Dutt in ignoring the Vishalyakarani. None of these texts, of which the last two were particularly influential and widely used, mentioned the Vishalyakarani. What these diverse Eupattorium attitudes towards the plant demonstrate is the selective- ness of the practice of deliberate ignorance.
Especially ayaapana here was the complete silence in the IDC proceedings about Dr. Once the decision had been taken, however, a different set of practices of ignor- ance was operationalized.